Timeline of Hizbut Tahrir History: 70 Years of Struggle to Establish the Khilafah
“And indeed We have written in Zabur (the Psalms), after (writing in) the Lauh Mahfuzh (the Preserved Tablet), that indeed the earth will be inherited by My righteous servants.” (QS. Al-Anbiya: 105)
This verse is not merely a promise hanging in the sky. It is the red thread connecting every second of Hizbut Tahrir’s struggle — from a small group of men in Jerusalem who dared to dream of the Khilafah amidst the despair of the ummah, to the da’wah network that now spans more than 50 countries across six continents.
This article is not a dry list of dates and events. It is the story of how an idea — that Islam is not merely rituals of worship, but a complete system of life — survived for more than 70 years through coups, massacres, bans, fitnah, and countless pressures. It is the story of people who chose not to remain silent when the Muslim ummah lost its leader.
Let us trace this journey, era by era, like reading chapters in a book that is not yet finished — because its best chapters are still to come.
1. Darkness Before Dawn: The Islamic World After the Fall of the Khilafah (1924-1952)
To understand why Hizbut Tahrir was founded, we must first feel the void left by the collapse of the Ottoman Khilafah. Imagine an ummah that for more than 13 centuries had a single leader — a Khalifah who united Morocco to Indonesia under one banner — suddenly waking up one morning to find itself orphaned. No leader. No umbrella. No voice speaking on behalf of the entire Muslim ummah.
28 Rajab 1342 H / 3 March 1924 CE — perhaps the most painful date in modern Islamic history. Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, with the support of Western colonial powers, officially dissolved the Ottoman Khilafah. The institution that had stood since the 13th century was abolished overnight. What remained were ruins: the Islamic world fragmented into puppet states under British and French mandates, each with kings and presidents more loyal to their colonial masters than to the Muslim ummah.
The Messenger of Allah ﷺ had warned of this:
الْخِلَافَةُ فِي أُمَّتِي ثَلَاثُونَ سَنَةً ثُمَّ مُلْكٌ
“The Khilafah among my ummah will last thirty years, then after it will be kingdoms (mulkan).” (HR. Ahmad, Abu Dawud, At-Tirmidhi)
And now, the Muslim ummah lives under “mulkan” — small competing powers, each claiming legitimacy while the ummah is torn apart.
Failed Early Attempts
No one accepted this destruction passively. Across the Islamic world, people rose trying to restore what had been lost.
In India, the Khilafah Movement (1919-1924) led by the Ali Brothers (Muhammad Ali and Shaukat Ali) tried to pressure the British colonial government to preserve the Khilafah. This movement attracted hundreds of thousands of Indian Muslims, but ultimately failed due to British pressure and political changes in Turkey itself.
In Egypt, Al-Ikhwan Al-Muslimun was founded by Hasan Al-Banna in 1928. Unlike the Khilafah Movement which focused on restoring the institution, the Ikhwan chose a gradual approach: educating individuals, building society, then establishing the state. This approach produced a vast da’wah network, but — as would later be proven — never truly touched the core of the problem: the absence of a Khilafah state that implements Islam completely (kafah).
In Palestine itself, there was Hizb ut-Tahrir al-Islami, a small movement that tried to fill the political void, but did not last long due to British mandate pressure and internal division.
Sheikh Taqiyyuddin: The Architect Who Prepared Everything
Amidst this darkness, Sheikh Taqiyyuddin An-Nabhani began to move. He was no ordinary man. Born in 1909 in the village of Al-Jura near Haifa, Palestine, he grew up in a family of deeply knowledgeable scholars. He memorized the Qur’an at a young age, studied fiqh, ushuluddin, and Arabic from his father, Sheikh Qadhi Izzuddin An-Nabhani — a famous shari’ah judge.
But Sheikh Taqiyyuddin did not stop at traditional religious knowledge. He also delved into modern law at Al-Azhar University in Cairo and later at Saint-Joseph University in Beirut, where he earned a degree in civil law. This rare combination — deep in shari’ah while understanding modern systems — made him the only figure of his era capable of formulating a comprehensive Islamic alternative to the Western systems that were dominating the world.
In the late 1940s, after witnessing the Nakba — the tragedy of Israel’s establishment on Palestinian land in 1948 that expelled hundreds of thousands of Palestinians from their homes — Sheikh Taqiyyuddin reached a conclusion that would change history: the Muslim ummah would never liberate Palestine, would never stand tall, would never rise again, as long as they did not have a state that unites them under the law of Allah.
He began gathering students in Jerusalem. Intense discussions were held in mosques, in homes, in corners of the city. The topic was always one: the obligation to establish the Khilafah. Not as romantic nostalgia for the past, but as a shar’i obligation that cannot be negotiated.
In 1951, the decision was made: it was time to establish a political party. Not an ordinary party that participates in elections and plays within the democratic system — but a party with one goal: to destroy the kufr systems that replaced the Khilafah and to rebuild the Daulah Khilafah ‘Ala Minhaj An-Nubuwwah.
And on 28 Rajab 1372 H / 1953 CE, Hizbut Tahrir was officially declared established in Jerusalem.
2. Birth in Al-Quds: The Courageous Early Years (1953-1960)
Imagine the atmosphere of Jerusalem in 1953. The holy city was still wounded by the Nakba five years earlier. Palestine was divided: the West Bank under Jordan, Gaza under Egypt, and most of the land had been seized by Israel. Amidst this atmosphere of despair, a small group of people — perhaps no more than a few dozen — dared to announce a party whose goal sounded impossible: restoring the Khilafah.
Sheikh Taqiyyuddin was not playing around. Hizbut Tahrir’s first risalah was immediately circulated to mosques, markets, and universities. The risalah was not mere propaganda leaflets. It contained sharp arguments, solid evidence, and piercing analysis: why the Muslim ummah is weak, why the democratic system is incompatible with Islam, and why the Khilafah is the only solution.
Astonishing Expansion
What was astonishing about these early years was the speed of da’wah expansion. In less than two years, Hizbut Tahrir had spread to:
- Jordan — the first branch outside Palestine, growing rapidly in Amman and other cities
- Syria — da’wah entered Damascus and Aleppo, attracting intellectual and military circles
- Lebanon — Beirut and Tripoli became new bases
- Kuwait — through Palestinian and Arab students studying in Jordan
This expansion was no coincidence. It happened because something was missing from the life of the Muslim ummah — something that only Hizbut Tahrir explicitly called for: the Khilafah.
Publications That Changed the Way of Thinking
In 1955, Hizbut Tahrir began publishing books that would become the intellectual foundation of this movement for decades. Asy-Syakhshiyyah Al-Islamiyyah Volume 1 — Sheikh Taqiyyuddin’s monumental work discussing the Islamic way of thinking — began to be circulated. It was followed by Nizhamul Islam which comprehensively formulated the Islamic system of life: aqeedah, government, economy, social relations, education, and law.
These books were not academic works gathering dust in libraries. They were intellectual weapons designed to shape the syakhshiyyah islamiyyah — Islamic personality — in every member of Hizbut Tahrir. And they succeeded.
Interaction with Rulers and First Pressures
Hizbut Tahrir did not do da’wah from an ivory tower. In 1956, the party approached King Hussein of Jordan directly, inviting him to implement Islam and work towards the Khilafah. The initial response seemed positive — but it did not last long.
As Hizbut Tahrir became more vocal and attracted more followers, the rulers began to feel threatened. In 1957, waves of pressure began:
- Jordan began restricting Hizbut Tahrir’s activities
- Syria banned public activities
- Egypt under Gamal Abdel Nasser — who saw Hizbut Tahrir as a dangerous ideological competitor — applied the harshest pressure
The peak occurred in 1958 in an incident known as the Homs Incident. In the city of Homs, Syria, Hizbut Tahrir members tried to influence military circles to support the idea of the Khilafah. Syrian intelligence detected this movement. Several members were arrested. Some were executed. Sheikh Abdul Qadim Zallum — who would later become the second Amir of Hizbut Tahrir — narrowly escaped capture and had to go into hiding.
This incident became the first bitter lesson: working with the military is a double-edged sword. And this lesson would be repeated — with far more tragic consequences — in Iraq and Libya in the following decade.
In 1959, Sheikh Taqiyyuddin himself was forced to move from Jerusalem to Beirut to avoid arrest. Hizbut Tahrir’s structure was strengthened in underground mode. But da’wah did not stop. It only changed form.
3. Expansion and Severe Trials: Iraq, Libya, and Costly Lessons (1961-1970)
The 1960s were the most dramatic chapter in Hizbut Tahrir’s history. This was the era in which the party learned — in the most painful way — that relying on rulers is a dead end.
The Iraq Tragedy: When Hope Turned into Massacre
In 1961, Hizbut Tahrir’s da’wah entered Iraq through students from Syria. Bases were established in Baghdad and Basrah. Da’wah grew rapidly, especially among the military — young officers disappointed with corruption and political instability in Iraq.
Then came 8 February 1963: the Ba’ath Party coup that overthrew Prime Minister Abdul Karim Qasim. Hizbut Tahrir members were involved in this coup — not because they believed in Ba’athist ideology, but because they hoped that Iraq under the new government would implement Islam.
That hope was shattered in a very short time.
In April 1963 — just two months after the coup — the Ba’ath Party led by Ahmad Hasan al-Bakr (with Saddam Hussein as his deputy) began purging Hizbut Tahrir from the power structure. Hundreds of members were arrested. Dozens were executed, including military officers who had joined the party. This was not mere arrest — this was systematic massacre of people who believed that Islam could be implemented through cooperation with the rulers.
The lesson was clear and painful: rulers will never want to share power with anyone who calls for the law of Allah.
Total Evaluation and Return to the Manhaj
Sheikh Taqiyyuddin did not waste time. He led a comprehensive evaluation and reached a conclusion that would become Hizbut Tahrir’s guide to this day: no more involvement in coups or cooperation with rulers to seize power. Hizbut Tahrir must return to its original manhaj — intellectual and political da’wah, building ummah awareness from below, not seeking shortcuts through palaces.
In the same year, Kitab Al-Amwal Fi Daulah Al-Khilafah — Sheikh Abdul Qadim Zallum’s work on the Islamic economic system — was published. This publication marked Hizbut Tahrir’s commitment to remain on the intellectual path, even amidst extraordinary pressure.
The Libya Tragedy: The Same Lesson, Different Face
If Iraq was the first lesson, Libya was a more bitter repetition.
In 1966, Hizbut Tahrir’s da’wah entered Libya — then under the Kingdom of King Idris which was secular. Da’wah grew in Benghazi and Tripoli, attracting many members from military circles. The situation seemed promising.
Then on 1 September 1969, Muammar Gaddafi — a young officer — overthrew King Idris in a coup. As in Iraq, Hizbut Tahrir members were involved and supported this coup, hoping that the new Libya would implement Islam.
Once again, that hope was betrayed.
Gaddafi turned out to be far more secular and brutal than the King he overthrew. In 1970, Hizbut Tahrir members who had helped the coup began to be sidelined. Some were executed. Many were imprisoned. Gaddafi built a regime that not only rejected political Islam, but also created an absurd personality cult — his own “Green Book” was made the state ideology.
Two tragedies — Iraq and Libya — in one decade. The lesson could not be clearer: do not depend on rulers. Do not get involved in coups. Do not seek shortcuts. The only path is consistent intellectual da’wah, building ummah awareness from the grassroots.
The Six-Day War: When Hizbut Tahrir’s Analysis Was Proven Correct
Amidst these two tragedies, an event occurred that actually strengthened Hizbut Tahrir’s credibility in the eyes of the Muslim ummah.
In June 1967, Israel launched a lightning attack that destroyed the militaries of Egypt, Syria, and Jordan in just six days. Sinai, Gaza, the West Bank, Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights — all fell into Israeli hands. Extraordinary humiliation befell the Arab world.
Hizbut Tahrir released a firm and piercing statement: “This defeat is not due to military weakness. It is the consequence of abandoning Islam.” This analysis — which at the time felt painful and unpopular — was proven correct. The Arab regimes that claimed nationalism and socialism turned out to be unable to protect a single inch of Muslim land.
Hizbut Tahrir’s da’wah was increasingly accepted. Not because of sweet promises, but because of its honest analysis.
Continued Expansion
Despite being battered by storms in Iraq and Libya, Hizbut Tahrir’s da’wah continued to expand:
- 1965: Entered Sudan, well received in Khartoum, strong base in universities
- 1968: Expansion to the Gulf — Kuwait grew stronger, Bahrain and Qatar were started, UAE was limited
This pattern would continue to repeat: wherever Hizbut Tahrir entered, it attracted people disappointed with secular and nationalist regimes, people who longed for true Islamic identity.
4. Maturity After Bitter Lessons: Focus on Intellectual Da’wah (1971-1980)
After the first two decades full of trials — establishment, expansion, the Iraq tragedy, the Libya tragedy — Hizbut Tahrir entered a new era. An era of maturity. An era where the party learned from its mistakes and strengthened its foundation.
A Clear New Focus
In 1971, Hizbut Tahrir’s direction was firmly set after the lessons from Iraq and Libya:
- Strong internal cultivation — every member must understand tsaqofah (understanding) of Islam deeply
- Intellectual da’wah (tsaqif) — changing the ummah’s way of thinking, not merely changing rulers
- Political interaction without coups — criticizing rulers, influencing public opinion, but never trying to seize power through military force
This was not a change of manhaj. It was a return to the original manhaj — the manhaj that had been formulated by Sheikh Taqiyyuddin from the beginning, but had briefly been shifted by the temptation of shortcuts in Iraq and Libya.
Expansion to Southeast Asia: Seeds Planted Far from the Middle East
In 1972, a development occurred that would have a major impact on Hizbut Tahrir’s future: da’wah entered Southeast Asia.
Through Malaysian and Indonesian students studying in the Middle East, Hizbut Tahrir’s ideas began to spread to the Malay world. The response was positive — extraordinarily positive. The Southeast Asian community, which had long sought authentic Islamic identity amidst currents of secular nationalism and Western influence, found in Hizbut Tahrir a movement that spoke about Islam completely: not just prayer and fasting, but also systems of government, economy, and law.
In 1974, Hizbut Tahrir’s structure began to be formally established in Malaysia and Indonesia. At the same time, da’wah also began in Pakistan — Karachi and Lahore became new bases in South Asia.
The Yom Kippur War: Proving the Analysis Again
In October 1973, Egypt and Syria launched a surprise attack against Israel in what is known as the Yom Kippur War. Initially, Arab forces successfully crossed the Suez Canal and caught Israel off guard. But this war ended without significant results — ceasefire, negotiations, and the same status quo.
Hizbut Tahrir analyzed this war in the same way as the Six-Day War: “This war is not for Islam. It is a war of nationalism — and nationalism will never liberate Palestine.” Once again, this analysis was proven correct. The Yom Kippur War did not result in the liberation of a single inch of land. It only produced more death, more destruction, and more dependence on the West.
The Lebanese Civil War: Remaining Neutral Amidst the Storm
In 1975, Lebanon sank into a civil war that would last 15 years until 1990. The country once called the “Paris of the Middle East” was destroyed by sectarian conflict between Sunni Muslims, Shia Muslims, Maronite Christians, Druze, and various militias supported by foreign powers.
Hizbut Tahrir took a consistent position: neutral. The party did not side with any faction. It remained focused on da’wah and protecting its members, with a base in West Beirut which was majority Muslim. This position — which at the time was criticized by some parties as “not caring” — was actually a manifestation of Hizbut Tahrir’s principle: that the solution for Lebanon, and for the entire Islamic world, is not the victory of one faction over another, but the establishment of the Khilafah that unites the entire ummah.
Camp David: An Open Betrayal
In September 1978, Anwar Sadat — President of Egypt — signed the Camp David Accords with Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin, with Jimmy Carter as mediator. This agreement effectively recognized Israel’s existence and sidelined Palestinian rights.
Hizbut Tahrir reacted harshly: “This is a betrayal of Palestine and of Islam.” Demonstrations were held in various Arab countries. Sadat was sharply criticized. And once again, history proved Hizbut Tahrir correct: Camp David did not produce true peace. It only produced a “cold peace” between two governments, while the Palestinian people continued to suffer.
The Iranian Revolution: A Warning That Was Ignored
In February 1979, the Shah of Iran — who had ruled for 25 years with full support from the United States — was overthrown in a revolution led by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. The Islamic world rejoiced: a secular, pro-Western regime had fallen.
But Hizbut Tahrir did not join in rejoicing. The party issued a firm statement: “This is not Islam. This is Shia.” Hizbut Tahrir warned that Iran under Khomeini would not only reject the Sunni Khilafah, but would become an active threat to Sunni Muslims throughout the region.
This warning — which at the time was considered exaggerated — proved to be very accurate. In the following decades, Iran became a regional power that supported Shia militias in Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, and Yemen, creating an axis of conflict that continues to this day.
The Iran-Iraq War: Two Secular Regimes Destroying Each Other
In September 1980, Saddam Hussein — who had seized power in Iraq — launched an invasion of Iran. This war, which lasted eight years, killed more than one million people from both sides.
Hizbut Tahrir took a consistent position: “This is a war between two secular regimes. There is no right side.” The party did not side with Saddam or Khomeini — both, in Hizbut Tahrir’s view, were rulers who had abandoned Islam and brought their peoples to destruction.
5. Pressure and Resilience: Massacres, Expansion to Europe, and the Death of the Founder (1981-1990)
The 1980s were the decade that shaped Hizbut Tahrir’s character as a resilient movement. This was the era in which the party faced some of the heaviest pressures in its history — and actually grew because of it.
The Assassination of Sadat: “Not Our Method”
On 6 October 1981, Anwar Sadat — President of Egypt who had signed Camp David — was killed by members of the Islamic Jihad group during a military parade. The world was shocked. The question that immediately arose: was Hizbut Tahrir involved?
Hizbut Tahrir’s answer was firm and quick: “Not our method. This is an individual operation that does not represent Hizbut Tahrir.” The party consistently rejected individual assassination and armed operations — not out of fear, but because Hizbut Tahrir’s manhaj from the beginning is intellectual and political da’wah, not violence.
Hosni Mubarak rose to replace Sadat. Pressure against Islamist movements — including Hizbut Tahrir — increased drastically.
The Hama Massacre: A Wound That Never Healed
If the assassination of Sadat was a shock, then the Hama Massacre in February 1982 was a trauma that never healed.
Hafez al-Assad — President of Syria and brother of Bashar al-Assad who now rules — ordered the military to destroy the city of Hama after a rebellion led by the Muslim Brotherhood. The result: more than 20,000 civilians killed. The city was destroyed block by block. Bodies were buried in mass graves. And the targets were not only the Muslim Brotherhood — Hizbut Tahrir members also became victims.
Hizbut Tahrir Syria was nearly annihilated. Surviving members had to flee to Jordan and — for the first time in large numbers — to Europe. The Hama massacre was a brutal reminder of the price that must be paid when daring to oppose tyrants in the Arab world.
Expansion to Europe: From Tragedy Emerges Opportunity
Ironically, the Hama tragedy actually opened a new chapter in Hizbut Tahrir’s history: expansion to Europe.
In 1983, Hizbut Tahrir officially established a branch in Britain (Hizbut Tahrir Britain). Da’wah also began entering France through Arab immigrants and Germany through students and workers. Europe — previously only viewed as the infidel land that colonized the Islamic world — now became a place of refuge for da’wah that was being suppressed in the Middle East.
In 1984, Sheikh Taqiyyuddin (or Hizbut Tahrir’s main representative) moved the international headquarters to London. This decision was strategic: London offered freedom of speech that did not exist in the Arab world, access to international media, and safe distance from the pressures of Middle Eastern regimes.
International Publications and an Increasingly Heard Voice
In 1985, Al-Waie — Hizbut Tahrir’s official magazine — began publishing internationally. The English version was launched, opening the door for da’wah to a wider audience. Distribution spread to West and East. Hizbut Tahrir’s message — that Islam is the solution, not the problem — began to be heard by people who had never heard it before.
The Death of the Founder
In 1977 (some sources mention 1986), Sheikh Taqiyyuddin An-Nabhani passed away in Kuwait (some sources mention Beirut). He left an extraordinary legacy: dozens of books that became the intellectual foundation of Hizbut Tahrir, a da’wah network stretching from Southeast Asia to North Africa, and — most importantly — a successor who had been meticulously prepared.
Sheikh Abdul Qadim Zallum — who had been with Hizbut Tahrir since the first days, who narrowly escaped capture in Homs in 1958, who was nearly executed in Iraq — was appointed as the second Amir of Hizbut Tahrir. This leadership transition went smoothly, proving that Hizbut Tahrir is not a movement dependent on one person, but on a clear manhaj and strong institutions.
The First Intifada: A Voice Without Khilafah
In December 1987, the Palestinian people rose up in the First Intifada — popular resistance against Israeli occupation in the West Bank and Gaza. Stones were thrown at Israeli tanks. Palestinian children became symbols of resistance.
Hizbut Tahrir responded with consistent analysis: “This is the result of the absence of the Khilafah.” The party provided moral and intellectual support, but was not involved in military operations — in accordance with its manhaj. Hizbut Tahrir also criticized the PLO (Palestine Liberation Organization) which was secular and led by Yasser Arafat, who at that time was beginning to move towards negotiations with Israel — negotiations that would end with the Oslo Accords in the following decade.
The Fall of the Soviet Union and Opportunity in Central Asia
In 1988, as the Soviet Union began to collapse, Hizbut Tahrir saw a new opportunity: Central Asia. Da’wah entered Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan — countries with Muslim majorities that had been suppressed for 70 years by the atheist Soviet regime. The response was extraordinary: Central Asian Muslims, who had long thirsted for their Islamic identity, received Hizbut Tahrir’s da’wah with open arms.
In November 1989, the Berlin Wall fell. The Cold War ended. Communism — one of the great ideologies that had dominated the 20th century — died. Hizbut Tahrir issued a statement: “This is the end of secularism and communism. Now is the time for Islam.”
But the world did not move towards Islam. It moved towards the single hegemony of the United States — and this would bring even greater new challenges.
The First Gulf War: US Troops Enter the Sacred Land
In August 1990, Saddam Hussein — who had just emerged from an eight-year war with Iran — invaded Kuwait. The Arab world was shocked. King Fahd of Saudi Arabia, feeling threatened, asked for help from the United States.
Hizbut Tahrir reacted harshly: “This is the fruit of the absence of the Khilafah.” Beyond that, the party criticized Saudi Arabia’s decision to ask for Western help: “You are inviting infidel troops to the Sacred Land — to the land that has Makkah and Madinah.”
In January-February 1991, the US-led coalition launched Operation Desert Storm, destroying Iraq’s military and forcing Saddam out of Kuwait. But this victory brought far more dangerous consequences: US military bases were established in Saudi Arabia — for the first time in modern history, non-Muslim troops were stationed on the holiest land for the Muslim ummah.
This issue became very powerful material for Hizbut Tahrir’s da’wah. And it would become one of the factors triggering major events in the following decade.
6. The Post-Cold War Era: US Hegemony, Oslo, and the Taliban (1991-2000)
The 1990s were the era in which the Muslim world faced new challenges: unmatched single hegemony of the United States, “peace” that was actually surrender, and the emergence of movements that claimed Islam but did not represent Islam.
US Bases in Arabia: Colonialism with a New Face
After the Gulf War ended in February 1991, US troops did not fully return home. Military bases were established in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, and Qatar. Hizbut Tahrir called this by its proper name: “New colonization by the West.”
Hizbut Tahrir’s argument was simple and strong: if Saudi Arabia were truly sovereign, why are foreign troops stationed on its land? If the Gulf kings were truly independent, why do they need military protection from America? These uncomfortable answers became effective da’wah material, especially among young Muslims who were beginning to realize the reality of their regimes’ dependence on the West.
Uzbekistan: Thousands Arrested, Da’wah Continues to Grow
In Uzbekistan in 1992, President Islam Karimov — a former communist official now leading a Muslim country — began to brutally suppress Hizbut Tahrir. Thousands of members were arrested. Mass torture was reported from Uzbek prisons. But this pressure did not stop da’wah. It actually made it grow underground, stronger and more resilient.
This pattern would continue to repeat: wherever Hizbut Tahrir is suppressed, it finds a way to survive. Not because of miracles, but because the manhaj of intellectual da’wah — which does not depend on leaders, headquarters, or physical infrastructure — makes it almost impossible to completely destroy.
Oslo: A Betrayal That Was Already Predicted
In September 1993, Yasser Arafat — leader of the PLO — and Yitzhak Rabin — Prime Minister of Israel — shook hands on the White House lawn, with Bill Clinton as witness, signing the Oslo Accords. The world celebrated “peace” in the Middle East.
Hizbut Tahrir did not celebrate. The party called Oslo by its proper name: “Betrayal of Palestine.” Hizbut Tahrir harshly criticized the newly formed Palestinian Authority and made a prediction that at the time sounded extreme: “There will be no Palestinian state. Oslo will only give Israel more time to build settlements and seize more land.”
Once again, history proved Hizbut Tahrir correct. Two decades after Oslo, Israeli settlements in the West Bank had multiplied. Gaza remained under blockade. And the “peace process” produced nothing but more suffering for the Palestinian people.
Expansion to Russia and Early Warning
In 1994, Hizbut Tahrir’s da’wah entered Dagestan, Chechnya, and Tatarstan — regions in the Russian Federation with significant Muslim populations. Da’wah was well received by post-Soviet Muslims who were searching for a new identity after the collapse of communism. Russia began to be wary — and this concern would turn into a total ban in the following decade.
The Taliban: Not the Khilafah
In September 1996, the Taliban took over Kabul and established the “Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan.” Some circles in the Islamic world welcomed this as the rise of the Khilafah.
Hizbut Tahrir did not join in welcoming. The party issued a firm analysis: “This is not the Khilafah. This is a local movement.” Hizbut Tahrir criticized the Taliban for not implementing the Khilafah correctly — there was no bai’ah from Ahlul Halli wal ‘Aqdi (council of ummah representatives), there was no Khilafah structure in accordance with shari’ah, and there was no claim of leadership over the entire Muslim ummah. The Taliban, in Hizbut Tahrir’s view, was a local emirate — not the Khilafah.
This position — which at the time was unpopular among those hoping for an Islamic revival — was proven consistent with Hizbut Tahrir’s manhaj: that the Khilafah is not merely an “Islam” label slapped on any government. It has specific conditions that cannot be ignored.
US Attack on Afghanistan and Criticism of Al-Qaeda
In August 1998, the United States launched missile strikes on Afghanistan in response to the bombings of US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania (and related to the USS Cole). Hizbut Tahrir condemned this attack as “aggression against Muslims” — but at the same time, the party continued to criticize Al-Qaeda: “Not the method of the Khilafah.”
This criticism was important: Hizbut Tahrir consistently distinguished itself from groups that used violence. The party opposed Western aggression, but also rejected individual military operations that had no shar’i legitimacy and which — as would be proven on 9/11 — brought disaster to the Muslim ummah.
Expansion to North America
In 1999, in a move that showed courage and confidence in its manhaj, Hizbut Tahrir established branches in the United States (Hizbut Tahrir America) and began da’wah in Canada. The focus: immigrant Muslims living in the West and seeking authentic Islamic identity amidst secular society.
The Second Intifada: A Repeating Cycle
In September 2000, the Al-Aqsa Intifada — the second wave of Palestinian resistance — erupted after Ariel Sharon’s provocative visit to the Al-Aqsa Mosque complex. Hizbut Tahrir responded in the same way as the First Intifada: “This is the result of the absence of the Khilafah.” Moral support was given. Criticism of Hamas and Fatah — both of which, in Hizbut Tahrir’s view, did not offer real solutions — continued to be delivered.
And then came 11 September 2001 — the event that would change everything.
7. The Post-9/11 World: Fitnah, Bans, and Invasion (2001-2010)
No event in the 21st century has had a greater impact on the Muslim ummah — and on Hizbut Tahrir specifically — than the attacks of 11 September 2001. In one morning, the twin towers of the World Trade Center collapsed, and the entire Muslim world was branded as terrorists.
9/11: A Clear Response
On 11 September 2001, hijacked planes destroyed the World Trade Center in New York and damaged the Pentagon in Washington. Nearly 3,000 people were killed.
Hizbut Tahrir’s response was clear and firm:
- “We condemn attacks on civilians.” — This position is consistent with Islamic principles that prohibit killing innocent people.
- “This is not jihad. This is an intelligence operation.” — Hizbut Tahrir doubted the official narrative and called this event an operation designed to provide pretext for Western war against the Islamic world.
- “The US is reaping what it sowed in the Middle East.” — Hizbut Tahrir did not sympathize with America. Decades of US support for tyrannical regimes in the Islamic world, sanctions that killed Iraqi children, and military bases in the Sacred Land — all of this, in Hizbut Tahrir’s view, were sins that eventually produced consequences.
But condemning the attacks and criticizing America are two different things from supporting Al-Qaeda. Hizbut Tahrir consistently rejected the methods of Al-Qaeda and similar groups — not out of fear, but because of the manhaj.
Bans in Germany and Russia: Enemies Afraid of an Idea
In January 2002, Germany became the first Western country to officially ban Hizbut Tahrir. Al-Manar — Hizbut Tahrir’s newspaper — was shut down. Members were deported or closely monitored. The reason: Hizbut Tahrir “opposes the constitution” and “spreads hatred.”
In February 2004, Russia followed suit, declaring Hizbut Tahrir a terrorist organization. Thousands of members were arrested in Central Asia — especially in Uzbekistan, where mass torture was reported. The ban in Russia was not about terrorism. It was about fear: fear that the idea of the Khilafah would attract Russian Muslims who had long felt marginalized.
Hizbut Tahrir responded to these bans in the same way: continue da’wah. Physical bans cannot ban ideas. And ideas — especially ideas that have survived for nearly 50 years at this point — cannot be killed by government decrees.
US Invasion of Iraq: History Repeating
In March 2003, the United States — with a small coalition — invaded Iraq under the pretext of weapons of mass destruction (which were never found). Saddam Hussein was overthrown. Iraq sank into chaos that continues to this day.
Hizbut Tahrir called this invasion by its proper name: “This is Western colonization.” The party called for defensive jihad — but, in accordance with its manhaj, was not involved in military operations. Hizbut Tahrir members in Iraq became easy targets: hunted by US forces, Shia militias, and other armed groups.
But da’wah did not stop. Amidst the chaos of Iraq, Hizbut Tahrir’s message — that the only solution is the Khilafah — actually became increasingly relevant.
Expansion to Australia and the Lebanon War
In 2005, Hizbut Tahrir officially established a branch in Australia. Controversy immediately arose: John Howard’s government tried to ban the party, but freedom of speech in Australia made this effort difficult. Hizbut Tahrir Australia continued to do da’wah openly.
In July-August 2006, Israel launched a major war against Hezbollah in Lebanon. Hizbut Tahrir took a consistent position: “Hezbollah is not the solution. The Khilafah is the solution.” The party criticized Hezbollah not because of its resistance to Israel, but because of its alliance with Shia Iran — which, in Hizbut Tahrir’s view, made Hezbollah a tool of Iranian influence in the Arab world, not a true liberation movement.
Gaza: Hamas, Blockade, and War
In June 2007, Hamas took over Gaza after winning elections and then conflicting with Fatah. Hizbut Tahrir criticized: “Hamas does not fully implement shari’ah. It still uses a secular system.” This criticism does not mean Hizbut Tahrir supports Israel — far from it. But the party is consistent: the solution for Palestine is not Hamas, not Fatah, not the PLO. The solution is the Khilafah.
In December 2008, Israel launched Operation Cast Lead — a massive attack on Gaza that killed more than 1,400 Palestinians in three weeks. Hizbut Tahrir reacted with the familiar call: “This is the result of the absence of the Khilafah. The ummah must rise.”
Obama: Rhetoric That Did Not Change
In June 2009, Barack Obama — the newly elected US President — gave a speech in Cairo, Egypt, promising a “new beginning” in America’s relations with the Islamic world. This speech was greeted with applause by many Arab leaders.
Hizbut Tahrir was not impressed: “This is only rhetoric. The US remains the enemy of Islam.” And once again, history proved Hizbut Tahrir correct. Under Obama, drone strikes in Pakistan and Yemen increased. US support for tyrannical regimes in the Islamic world continued. And when the Arab Spring erupted a year later, the US quickly supported the coup in Egypt and intervention in Libya — proving that the “new beginning” was just words.
The Arab Spring Begins: Seeds Beginning to Sprout
In December 2010, a Tunisian street vendor named Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire in protest against corruption and oppression. This act triggered a wave of protests that spread throughout the Arab world.
Hizbut Tahrir saw this as an opportunity for the Khilafah. After 60 years of da’wah, calling for Islam as the solution, and criticizing secular regimes — now the Arab people themselves were beginning to rise. The question: which direction would they move?
8. The Arab Spring Wave: Hope, Betrayal, and ISIS (2011-2020)
The 2010s were the most dramatic era since the founding of Hizbut Tahrir. The Arab Spring — which began as hope for Islamic revival — ended with coups, civil war, and the emergence of ISIS claiming a “false Khilafah.” This was the era in which Hizbut Tahrir had to defend its manhaj amidst an extraordinary storm.
2011: The Fall of Tyranny
In 2011, one by one, tyrannical regimes in the Arab world fell:
- Tunisia: Zine El Abidine Ben Ali fled in January
- Egypt: Hosni Mubarak — who had ruled for 30 years — was overthrown in February
- Libya: Muammar Gaddafi — who had ruled for 42 years — was overthrown and killed in October
- Yemen: Ali Abdullah Saleh fell
Hizbut Tahrir responded with a confident statement: “This is the fruit of our 60 years of da’wah.” The party called on the Arab people not to fall into the trap of democracy — which, in Hizbut Tahrir’s view, is merely a system that replaces the sovereignty of Allah with the sovereignty of man — but to implement Islamic shari’ah and work towards the Khilafah.
2012-2013: Morsi and the End of the Democracy Experiment
In June 2012, Muhammad Morsi — candidate from the Muslim Brotherhood — was elected President of Egypt in the first democratic election in Egyptian history. The world celebrated “Arab democracy.”
Hizbut Tahrir did not celebrate. The party criticized: “Democracy is not the solution.” Hizbut Tahrir pointed to the fact that Morsi did not fully implement shari’ah — he still worked within the framework of a secular constitution, still honored international agreements that contradicted Islam, and still depended on the military that would eventually destroy him.
And indeed, on 3 July 2013 — just one year after being elected — Morsi was overthrown in a coup led by Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, Egypt’s Minister of Defense. Thousands of Muslim Brotherhood members were arrested. Hundreds were executed. Egypt returned to dictatorship — this time more brutal than before.
Hizbut Tahrir responded with sharp analysis: “This is the end of the democracy experiment.” The party had warned that democracy would never give power to people who truly wanted to implement Islam — and when it did, the real powers (the military, the West, the Gulf regimes) would ensure that the experiment was stopped.
2014: ISIS and the “False” Khilafah
In June 2014, Abu Bakar Al-Baghdadi — leader of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) — stood on the pulpit of the Great Mosque of An-Nur in Mosul, Iraq, and declared the establishment of the “Islamic Khilafah.” The world was shocked. Thousands of people from around the world joined ISIS.
Hizbut Tahrir’s response was firm, fast, and uncompromising:
- “This is not the Khilafah. This is a terrorist group.”
- “There is no bai’ah from Ahlul Halli wal ‘Aqdi.” — A fundamental condition of the Khilafah is bai’ah from representatives of the ummah, not a unilateral declaration by a militia leader.
- “This damages the image of the Khilafah.” — ISIS, with its brutality broadcast globally, made millions of people around the world associate “Khilafah” with terrorism — exactly what Hizbut Tahrir wanted to prevent.
Hizbut Tahrir’s rejection of ISIS was not merely a tactical difference. It was a fundamental difference about what the Khilafah is. The Khilafah, in Hizbut Tahrir’s understanding, is an institution with specific conditions: a Khalifah elected through bai’ah from Ahlul Halli wal ‘Aqdi, sufficient territory, guaranteed security, and comprehensive implementation of shari’ah. ISIS met none of these conditions. It was a militia claiming a title that was not its right.
2015-2017: Syria Destroyed, Jerusalem Recognized
The Syrian civil war — which began in 2011 — continued to destroy the country until 2015 and beyond. More than 500,000 people were killed. Millions were displaced. Cities were destroyed. Hizbut Tahrir was consistent: “This is the result of the absence of the Khilafah.” The party’s focus was on humanitarian aid and da’wah — not on military involvement.
In December 2017, Donald Trump — US President — officially recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and moved the US embassy to the holy city. Hizbut Tahrir reacted with the familiar call: “This is a crime. The ummah must rise.” Demonstrations were held throughout the Muslim world.
2018-2020: Normalization, Pandemic, and Digital Da’wah
In 2019, the UAE and Bahrain signed the Abraham Accords — normalizing relations with Israel. Hizbut Tahrir called this “betrayal of Palestine.” And indeed, this normalization — which was followed by Sudan and Morocco — further isolated Palestine and gave Israel legitimacy that it previously did not have in the Arab world.
In March 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic hit the world. Global lockdowns changed everything — including how Hizbut Tahrir does da’wah. Conferences that were usually held physically shifted to virtual format. Da’wah shifted online. Social media became the main weapon. Ironically, the pandemic — which limited physical movement — actually expanded the reach of Hizbut Tahrir’s da’wah to audiences that were previously unreachable.
9. The Contemporary Era: War, Genocide, and Digital Da’wah (2021-Present)
We now live in an era that is still ongoing — an era in which Hizbut Tahrir faces new challenges, but also new opportunities. The war in Ukraine, the genocide in Gaza, and the digital revolution — all of this shapes the context in which da’wah for the Khilafah continues.
2021: The Rise of Digital Da’wah
Hizbut Tahrir’s da’wah in the digital era is growing stronger. Social media — YouTube, Twitter, Facebook, Telegram — has become the main channel for spreading Islamic tsaqofah to millions of people who were previously unreachable. International conferences are held virtually, connecting Hizbut Tahrir members from 50+ countries in one digital space.
This is not merely technological adaptation. This is an expansion of da’wah reach that has never happened before.
2022: The Ukraine War — Two Secular Regimes Destroying Each Other
In February 2022, Russia launched a massive invasion of Ukraine. This war — the largest in Europe since World War II — killed hundreds of thousands of people from both sides and triggered a global economic crisis.
Hizbut Tahrir analyzed this war in a consistent way: “This is a war between two secular regimes.” Russia under Putin and Ukraine under Zelensky — both, in Hizbut Tahrir’s view, are rulers who do not implement the law of Allah. Muslim ummahs — especially in Chechnya, Tatarstan, and Crimea — are caught in the middle of a conflict that is not their business.
Hizbut Tahrir’s call remains the same: the Muslim ummah must not become pawns in the game of secular powers. They must have their own state — the Khilafah — that protects their interests.
2023-2024: The Gaza Genocide and the Greatest Betrayal
On 7 October 2023, Hamas launched an attack on Israel that killed about 1,200 people. Israel’s response — fully supported by the United States and its allies — was a genocide unprecedented in the 21st century.
Until early 2024, more than 40,000 Palestinians — mostly women and children — had been killed in Gaza. Homes, hospitals, schools, and mosques were destroyed. Millions of people were displaced without food, water, or medicine. And the world — especially the Arab world — just watched.
Hizbut Tahrir responded with the most urgent call in its history: “This genocide is happening with Western support. The ummah must have the Khilafah to protect Palestine.” This call is not empty rhetoric. It is the logical conclusion of 70 years of Hizbut Tahrir’s analysis: as long as the Muslim ummah does not have a state that unites them, as long as they depend on puppet regimes more loyal to Washington than to Al-Aqsa, genocides like this will continue to happen.
At the same time, talk of Saudi-Israel normalization — which had been ongoing before 7 October — came into the spotlight. Hizbut Tahrir called this “the greatest betrayal.” And indeed, Saudi normalization — as the guardian of the two holy cities — with Israel that occupies Al-Aqsa, is a betrayal that is hard to match.
2025 and Beyond: The Struggle Is Not Over
Hizbut Tahrir is now present in more than 50 countries across six continents. Da’wah is conducted in more than 20 languages. The leadership structure under Sheikh Ata’ Abu Rashta — the third Amir of Hizbut Tahrir who succeeded Sheikh Abdul Qadim Zallum — remains consistent with the manhaj that was formulated by Sheikh Taqiyyuddin more than 70 years ago.
The challenges are still great: bans in Germany, Russia, Egypt, and several Central Asian countries; the fitnah of terrorism that still sticks; pressure from secular regimes afraid of the idea of the Khilafah. But da’wah does not stop. It never stops.
10. Journey Map: Analytical Summary
To understand this 70-year journey as a whole, here are some analytical tables summarizing era by era, leadership transitions, and Hizbut Tahrir’s global expansion.
Table 1: Era-by-Era Summary
| Era | Years | Main Theme | Key Events | Lesson |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Darkness Before Dawn | 1924-1952 | Void after the Khilafah | Fall of the Khilafah 1924, Nakba 1948 | The ummah needs a leader |
| Birth in Al-Quds | 1953-1960 | Founding and early expansion | HT founded 1953, Homs Incident 1958 | Courage to face pressure |
| Expansion and Severe Trials | 1961-1970 | Iraq and Libya tragedies | Iraq coup 1963, Libya coup 1969, Six-Day War 1967 | Do not depend on rulers |
| Maturity | 1971-1980 | Focus on intellectual da’wah | Southeast Asia expansion, Camp David 1978, Iranian Revolution 1979 | Intellectual da’wah is the way |
| Pressure and Resilience | 1981-1990 | Massacres and European expansion | Hama massacre 1982, death of An-Nabhani, fall of the Berlin Wall | Trials shape character |
| Post-Cold War | 1991-2000 | US hegemony and Oslo | Gulf War, Oslo 1993, Taliban 1996 | The West remains a colonizer |
| Post 9/11 | 2001-2010 | Fitnah and invasion | 9/11, Iraq invasion 2003, Germany & Russia bans | Ideas cannot be banned |
| Arab Spring | 2011-2020 | Hope and betrayal | Morsi 2012, Sisi coup 2013, ISIS 2014 | Democracy is not the solution |
| Contemporary Era | 2021-Present | Digital da’wah and genocide | Ukraine War 2022, Gaza genocide 2023-2024 | The struggle continues |
Table 2: Leadership Transitions
| Amir | Period | Background | Main Contribution |
|---|---|---|---|
| Sheikh Taqiyyuddin An-Nabhani | 1953-1977 | Founder, Palestinian scholar and legal expert | Formulated the manhaj, wrote foundational books (Asy-Syakhshiyyah, Nizhamul Islam, etc.) |
| Sheikh Abdul Qadim Zallum | 1977-2003 | With HT from the beginning, narrowly captured in Homs 1958 | Strengthened international structure, wrote Al-Amwal Fi Daulah Al-Khilafah, expansion to Europe and Central Asia |
| Sheikh Ata’ Abu Rashta | 2003-Present | Palestinian scholar, close to Sheikh Zallum | Led HT through the post-9/11 era, Arab Spring, and digital era; maintained manhaj consistency |
Table 3: Global Expansion Map
| Region | Year Entered | How It Entered | Current Status |
|---|---|---|---|
| Palestine | 1953 | Founding | Active, suppressed |
| Jordan | 1953-1954 | Direct expansion | Active, periodically suppressed |
| Syria | 1953-1954 | Direct expansion | Nearly extinct post-Hama 1982, remnants in exile |
| Lebanon | 1953-1954 | Direct expansion | Active |
| Kuwait | 1950s | Through students | Active |
| Iraq | 1961 | Through Syrian students | Heavily suppressed post-1963, revived post-2003 |
| Libya | 1966 | Direct expansion | Heavily suppressed post-1970, revived post-Gaddafi |
| Sudan | 1965 | Direct expansion | Active |
| Malaysia | 1972 | Through students in the Middle East | Active, periodically suppressed |
| Indonesia | 1972 | Through books and letters | Active, growing rapidly |
| Pakistan | 1974 | Direct expansion | Active |
| Britain | 1983 | Refugees from Syria | Active, international headquarters |
| France | 1983 | Through Arab immigrants | Active, suppressed |
| Germany | 1983 | Through students and workers | Banned 2002, active underground |
| Uzbekistan | 1988 | Post-Soviet collapse | Brutally suppressed, active underground |
| United States | 1999 | Direct expansion | Active |
| Australia | 2005 | Direct expansion | Active |
11. Five Eternal Lessons from 70 Years of Struggle
The history of Hizbut Tahrir is not merely a chronology of events. It is a treasury of lessons — lessons that have been paid for with blood, prison, and exile. These five lessons are the essence of what Hizbut Tahrir has learned over 70 years, and they are lessons that must not be forgotten by anyone who wants to understand this movement.
Lesson One: Consistency of Manhaj is the Key to Survival
Hizbut Tahrir has survived for more than 70 years not because of military strength, not because of financial wealth, and not because of ruler support. It has survived because of consistency of manhaj.
Every time Hizbut Tahrir deviated from its manhaj — such as in Iraq in 1963 and in Libya in 1969 — the result was disaster. And every time Hizbut Tahrir returned to its manhaj — intellectual and political da’wah, without violence, without compromise on principles — it rose again stronger.
This is not coincidence. This is the sunnatullah: that truth, when held consistently, will always prevail in the end.
Lesson Two: Trials Shape Character, Not Destroy It
Every decade in Hizbut Tahrir’s history has its own trials:
- 1950s: Pressure in Jordan and Syria, Homs Incident
- 1960s: Iraq tragedy (hundreds arrested, dozens executed), Libya tragedy (members betrayed and killed)
- 1970s: Lebanese Civil War, pressure in Egypt
- 1980s: Hama massacre (20,000+ killed), death of the founder
- 1990s: Pressure in Uzbekistan (thousands arrested, mass torture)
- 2000s: Bans in Germany and Russia, post-9/11 fitnah
- 2010s: Coup in Egypt, war in Syria, ISIS fitnah
- 2020s: Gaza genocide, Ukraine war
But in every trial, Hizbut Tahrir was not destroyed. It actually grew. Not because of miracles, but because these trials shaped the character of its members: people who do not easily give up, people who know that the price of truth is indeed high, and people who believe that Allah’s promise will surely come true.
Lesson Three: Intellectual Da’wah Always Wins
The coup failed in Iraq. The coup failed in Libya. Democracy failed in Egypt (Morsi was overthrown in one year). Militarism failed in Syria (civil war destroyed everything).
The only thing that survived — the only thing that continued to grow even under the heaviest pressure — was intellectual da’wah.
This is the most important lesson from all of Hizbut Tahrir’s history: that changing people’s way of thinking is the foundation of every real change. Weapons can be disarmed. Military bases can be closed. Regimes can be overthrown. But ideas — ideas that have taken root in hearts and minds — cannot be destroyed by any force.
Lesson Four: The West Remains the West
From British and French colonialism in the early 20th century, to the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, to the Gaza genocide in 2024 — the same pattern continues to repeat.
The West has never changed. What has changed is only its methods: from direct colonialism, to neo-colonialism through puppet regimes, to military intervention under the pretext of “democracy” and “human rights.”
Hizbut Tahrir has understood this from the beginning. And this understanding — that the West is an enemy that will not stop until Islam is no longer a political force — is an understanding that must be held by every conscious Muslim.
Lesson Five: The Khilafah Will Return
This is not empty optimism. This is a conviction based on two things:
First, Allah’s firm promise in the Qur’an:
وَعَدَ اللَّهُ الَّذِينَ آمَنُوا مِنْكُمْ وَعَمِلُوا الصَّالِحَاتِ لَيَسْتَخْلِفَنَّهُمْ فِي الْأَرْضِ كَمَا اسْتَخْلَفَ الَّذِينَ مِنْ قَبْلِهِمْ وَلَيُمَكِّنَنَّ لَهُمْ دِينَهُمُ الَّذِي ارْتَضَىٰ لَهُمْ وَلَيُبَدِّلَنَّهُمْ مِنْ بَعْدِ خَوْفِهِمْ أَمْنًا ۚ يَعْبُدُونَنِي لَا يُشْرِكُونَ بِي شَيْئًا
“Allah has promised those among you who believe and do righteous deeds that He will surely grant them succession (khilafah) on earth, as He granted it to those before them, and that He will surely establish for them their religion which He has approved for them, and that He will surely replace their fear with security. They worship Me, not associating anything with Me.” (QS. An-Nur: 55)
This promise is not a metaphor. It is not a symbol. It is a promise from the One Who never breaks His promise.
Second, the hadith of the Messenger of Allah ﷺ that describes the journey of the Muslim ummah in four phases:
لتسيرن سنن من كان قبلكم حذو القذة بالقذة حتى لو دخلوا جحر ضب لدخلتموه . قالوا يا رسول الله اليهود والنصارى ؟ قال : فمن ؟
“You will certainly follow the ways of those who came before you, inch by inch, handspan by handspan, so much so that if they entered the hole of a dhabb (a type of lizard), you would enter it too.” The companions asked: “O Messenger of Allah, the Jews and Christians?” He replied: “Who else?” (HR. Bukhari and Muslim)
And in another longer hadith, the Messenger of Allah ﷺ described:
تكون النبوة فيكم ما شاء الله أن تكون، ثم يرفعها الله إذا شاء أن يرفعها، ثم تكون خلافة على منهاج النبوة، فتكون ما شاء الله أن تكون، ثم يرفعها إذا شاء الله أن يرفعها، ثم تكون ملكًا عاضًا، فيكون ما شاء الله أن يكون، ثم يرفعها إذا شاء أن يرفعها، ثم تكون ملكًا جبريًا، فتكون ما شاء الله أن تكون، ثم يرفعها إذا شاء أن يرفعها، ثم تكون خلافة على منهاج النبوة
“There will be prophethood among you as long as Allah wills, then Allah will raise it if He wills. Then there will be Khilafah ‘ala minhaj an-nubuwwah (Khilafah upon the manhaj of prophethood), and it will last as long as Allah wills. Then Allah will raise it if He wills. Then there will be a biting kingdom (mulkan ‘adhdhan), and it will last as long as Allah wills. Then Allah will raise it if He wills. Then there will be an oppressive kingdom (mulkan jabriyyan), and it will last as long as Allah wills. Then Allah will raise it if He wills. Then there will be Khilafah ‘ala minhaj an-nubuwwah.” (HR. Ahmad)
The first phase (Khilafah Rashidah) has occurred. The second phase (biting kingdom) and the third phase (oppressive kingdom) — which encompass the era of colonialism, nationalism, and modern dictatorship — are currently occurring or have occurred. And the fourth phase? Khilafah ‘ala minhaj an-nubuwwah will return.
The Messenger of Allah ﷺ did not say “maybe.” He did not say “if conditions permit.” He said “then there will be” — a certainty that cannot be doubted.
And Hizbut Tahrir — with 70 years of history, with millions of followers in 50+ countries, with a consistent manhaj and tireless da’wah — is part of the preparation towards that fourth phase.
12. Closing: This Timeline Is Not Finished
The history of Hizbut Tahrir that we have traced — from the darkness after the fall of the Khilafah in 1924, to the birth in Al-Quds in 1953, through the Iraq and Libya tragedies, the Hama massacre, bans in Germany and Russia, the Arab Spring, ISIS, and the Gaza genocide — is not a finished history.
It is the early chapters of a book that is still being written.
Sheikh Taqiyyuddin An-Nabhani started with one man in Jerusalem. Now, more than 70 years later, Hizbut Tahrir is present in more than 50 countries, in more than 20 languages, with hundreds of thousands — perhaps millions — of members and sympathizers who continue to do da’wah, continue to call for the Khilafah, and continue to believe that Allah’s promise will surely come true.
“And indeed We have written in Zabur (the Psalms), after (writing in) the Lauh Mahfuzh (the Preserved Tablet), that indeed the earth will be inherited by My righteous servants.” (QS. Al-Anbiya: 105)
This verse is not about the past. It is about the future. It is about the day — which may be near, which may still be far — when the Muslim ummah once again has a leader who unites them under the law of Allah. The day when Palestine will be liberated. The day when justice will be established on earth.
This timeline is not finished. Its best chapters are still to come.
Continue the Journey:
📚 History & Context:
- Fall of the Caliphate 1924
- Founding Phase Al-Quds 1953
- Movements Before HT
- Biography of Sheikh Taqiyyuddin An-Nabhani
- Biography of Sheikh Abdul Qadim Zallum
- Biography of Sheikh Ata’ Abu Rashta
📖 Encyclopedia of Books: